BMC elections 2026: What’s at stake for…
From chief minister Fadnavis to former CM Thackeray, read on to know what's at stake for key leaders as their parties battle it out in the crucial civic polls:
Devendra Fadnavis, chief minister
From strategising and working out alliances to campaigning, chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has led the BJP’s quest to win all 29 municipal corporations. But the holy grail is the BMC. Fadnavis has gone all out to wrest Mumbai civic body, bastion of the undivided Shiv Sena for 25 years.
In 2017, the BJP came close to seizing power in the BMC from its then ally, the Shiv Sena, but Fadnavis chose to keep his government stable instead of competing with its ally to win power in the civic body. Track live updates from Maharashtra civic polls voting here
However, following the split in the Sena in 2022 and his strained relationship with Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray, Fadnavis has a clear shot at actually winning Mumbai’s civic body. A win would consolidate the BJP’s control over India’s financial capital.
If the Sena (UBT)-MNS emerges victorious, it would be a setback for Fadnavis, as it would give the Thackerays a platform to bounce back after their debacle in the 2024 assembly elections. Victory, of course, would make Fadnavis the undisputed leader in Maharashtra.
Uddhav Thackeray, Shiv Sena (UBT) chief
After losing the party to bete noire Eknath Shinde in 2022 and his embarrassing showing in the 2024 assembly elections, the heir to Bal Thackeray is fighting a do-or-die battle.
For decades, ruling the BMC has been a source of strength for the undivided Shiv Sena. Mumbai has been the very base of the party. Winning the BMC election would give Uddhav Thackeray the much-needed boost to bounce back in state politics. That’s why he buried the hatchet with estranged cousin, MNS chief Raj Thackeray. Together, they hope to not just win control over the BMC but to also retain the legacy of the Sena founder.
For Uddhav, losing the BMC election would mean surrendering his party’s last bastion. More significantly, it would deal a heavy blow to the “sons of the soil” plank the Thackerays have been using. A loss could also prompt the ruling parties to further weaken the Sena (UBT) by weaning away its MPs and MLAs. Worse, defeating Uddhav in Mumbai, albeit with the help of the BJP, would also mean Shinde staking his claim to the Sena’s legacy in all of Maharashtra.
Eknath Shinde, deputy chief minister, Shiv Sena chief
Riding on a strong first-phase showing in the local body elections, Eknath Shinde is looking to replicate that performance across 29 cities. Across the state, the Sena and BJP are contesting against each other in 13 civic bodies, and Shinde is seeking to consolidate his position independently.
His focus, however, is Mumbai as well as the Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR). He must retain power in hometown Thane, win power in Kalyan-Dombivli, which he has made a prestige issue, and in Navi Mumbai, where the Sena and BJP are rivals. But for the Sena-BJP alliance, winning the Mumbai civic polls is of utmost importance.
If the Mahayuti alliance does succeed in Mumbai, it would be a decisive victory for Shinde over Uddhav Thackeray, capping a bitter rivalry that has defined their relationship for the last three years. He can then claim Sena founder Bal Thackeray’s legacy and move in to finish Uddhav’s Sena (UBT) politically, by getting most of their MLAs and MPs over to his side.
Defeat for the Mahayuti in Mumbai would give Uddhav a chance to bounce back in state politics. It would also legitimise the Thackeray’s position as keepers of the Marathi manoos legacy, which could hurt Shinde’s political prospects, going forward.
Ajit Pawar, deputy chief minister and NCP chief
Just like Uddhav Thackeray, deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has focussed on a limited number of civic bodies – choosing to concentrate on two municipal corporations in his stronghold of Pune district. In these corporations, his NCP is in a head-to-head battle with its Mahayuti ally, the BJP, in Pune and Pimpri Chinchwad, where the BJP was in power.
To improve his chances, Ajit made peace with uncle Sharad Pawar, hoping the NCP-NCP (SP) alliance will help him regain power in Pune and his former bastion, Pimpri-Chinchwad.
Ajit’s fight with the BJP has turned ugly, with him pointing out how those making allegations against him in the irrigation scam are now sitting with him in power. The BJP shot back with veiled threats over the ongoing probes against him.
A victory would strengthen Ajit Pawar’s standing within the ruling Mahayuti alliance, but defeat in both corporations would see the BJP tighten its grip over him.
Ajit also appears keen to go ahead with an alliance with Sharad Pawar’s NCP (SP). With strained relations with the BJP, and inching closer to his uncle, Ajitdada could be getting ready to make some big moves.
Raj Thackeray, MNS chief
After a dismal performance in the 2024 assembly elections, in which he couldn’t secure a single seat, a beleaguered Raj Thackeray chose to join forces with estranged cousin Uddhav. The reunion has made the election to the Mumbai civic body the most important contest in Maharashtra.
Over the years, Raj kept changing his political stance and his party was reduced to a minor player in state politics. He chose to bury the hatchet with Uddhav and is now going all out to win the BMC, which is a tough task. Winning power in the BMC would give the MNS a fresh lease of life. It would also give Raj a springboard to bounce back in state politics.
Defeat would force him to rethink his strategy and decide whether he wants to continue alliance with Uddhav. A loss would also mean that seeking votes in the name of the Marathi manoos would not get the support of the Marathi-speaking people in Mumbai-MMR. It would deal a serious blow to his main plank – “Justice for the sons of the soil”.
Varsha Gaikwad, Mumbai Congress chief
Varsha Gaikwad, president of the Mumbai Congress and MP from Mumbai North-Central, was given the opportunity to rebuild the Congress in the city where it was born. But there are no signs of revival, within the party and on the ground. Gaikwad was adamant on not allying with the Thackeray cousins, saying it would alienate the North Indian voter. This was the main reason the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) did not contest the polls as a coalition, turning it into a triangular contest, which could give the ruling BJP-Sena alliance an edge.
The Congress tried to salvage the situation by hurriedly forging an alliance with the Prakash Ambedkar-led Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VB). However, neither party could field candidates in 20 wards.
If the Congress manages to win 30-odd seats, as it had in 2017, Gaikwad would have managed to retain some ground for her party. A dismal performance would put a serious question mark on her political fortunes.
Ganesh Naik, BJP minister and Navi Mumbai strongman
For years, Ganesh Naik has dominated Navi Mumbai’s politics. In the past 25 years, he has changed parties twice, yet his grip on Mumbai’s satellite city has never slipped. All the while, he’s also retained control over the Navi Mumbai Municipal Corporation.
In this election, Naik faces a tough contest as the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena is putting up a strong fight. There is no love lost between him and Shinde, with the latter taking several decisions relating to Navi Mumbai as the state’s urban development minister. Also, Shinde has virtually emptied out the Shiv Sena (UBT) in Navi Mumbai and fielded some of Naik’s local rivals against his candidates.
The election campaign saw a slanging match between the two, with Naik claiming that Shinde would face trouble in the coming days. If Naik manages to win the Navi Mumbai civic polls, he would continue to dominate the city. A defeat would be a major setback for him, at a time when the city is poised to see a big boost with the opening of the international airport.
Prakash Ambedkar, Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) chief
After a strong showing in the 2019 assembly elections, the Prakash Ambedkar-led VBA has seen a steady decline. In the 2024 elections, he did not align with the opposition parties and was accused of tacitly helping the BJP. Since then, Ambedkar has been unable to shake off that charge.
Ambedkar tried to whitewash his image by aligning with the Congress in Mumbai and some other cities for the civic elections. But their joint campaign didn’t really take off. In Mumbai, the Congress conceded 62 seats to the VBA but the latter failed to field candidates in 20 seats. It remains to be seen whether the alliance will translate into gains for either party on the ground.
An impressive showing by the Congress-VBA alliance, especially in Mumbai, could be the beginning of a new chapter in state politics. It would also make Ambedkar a major leader of socially backward communities as other Dalit leaders have lost steam, and he could emerge as a key player in state politics. On the other hand, a poor performance may mean an end to the new experiment in the opposition space, if both sides end up blaming each other for defeat.
