Two vote banks remain the fulcrum of Bihar politics
Caste may be a necessary condition in the coming assembly election –– even though it may not be a sufficient one
The man who provided an impetus to the social justice (or caste) politics that has characterised Bihar for the past four decades was former chief minister of Bihar, Bindeshwari Prasad Mandal, popularly known as BP Mandal. He headed the multi-member committee that recommended 27% reservation to the Other Backward Castes (OBCs) in 1980. Reservation for OBCs in government jobs was implemented by VP Singh led Janata Dal government in 1988 and extended to admissions in higher education by the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government in 2007-08. Both Lalu Prasad Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal and Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) were formed after the collapse of Janata Dal in the 1990s.
At his Yadav dominated Muroh village, 15 kms from Madhepura town known for its socialist politics, a rich landlord Mandal is no less than a God like figure. “He provided the first legal recognition to the backwards and ended dominance of the upper castes,” said 52-year-old Ram Lakhan Yadav, who guards his memorial, built by Lalu Prasad. Nitish Kumar contributed to the “icon” by widening the village under the Pradhan Mantri Sadak (road) Yojana (scheme).
Sitting at a palatial bungalow in the village, with a football field sized lawn in front, Mandal’s grandnephew Anand Mandal said Lalu Prasad, followed by Nitish Kumar used the OBC reservation card to carve out their own caste vote banks , helping their parties rule the state for 35 years even though the state witnessed anti-caste movements in the past. “Had not Mandal ji deciphered the 1931 caste survey and provided the possible reservation formula, the caste politics of Lalu Prasad and Nitish may not have been possible. Caste politics is here to stay and deepen,” he said, while referring to the 2023 caste survey.
Lalu’s son Tejaswhi and CM Kumar took the OBC reservation further through the caste survey, when Tejaswhi was Kumar’s deputy for 18 months, before Kumar returned to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in 2024. As per the survey, the OBCs constitute 36.01% of the population, extremely backward classes (EBCs) 27.12%, Scheduled Castes 19.65%, Scheduled Tribes 1.68%, upper castes 15.52% and others 0.02%.
The law enhancing the caste reservation from 50% to 65% was notified by the state government but was stayed by Patna high court as it breached the Supreme Court’s order not to increase quota to more than 50%. However, both Nitish Kumar and Tejaswhi are claiming credit for conducting the 2023 caste survey in their election rallies.
Caste may be a necessary condition in the coming assembly election -- even though it may not be a sufficient one, something that is evident in the manifesto of both major political groupings, that emphasize welfare and development.
After all, in Bihar, caste has historically defined social and political power. The dominance of upper castes in Bihar politics was broken by the rise of Muslim-Yadav (MY) combination by former chief minister Lalu Prasad followed by state chief minister Nitish Kumar, carving out an alliance of the poorest --- Extremely Backward Castes and Maha-Dalits.
Given this, both groupings have ensured their choice of candidates strikes a perfect balance .
Thus, RJD’s seven party Grand Alliance (GA) and Nitish Kumar anchoring a five party National Democratic Alliance have sought to balance intricate caste combinations while sharing seats with some caste-based parties in the state.
Lalu’s MY Dominance
At the Yadav dominated Lahta Bahtah village in Mahsi block of Saharsa district known for its cattle temple, Karu Kirhari Sathan, Suresh Yadav credited Lalu Prasad for empowering them. “Before him, we were taken for granted. He taught us our political power and provided opportunities to do well in life,” Yadav, the former village head said, as other community members in dimly lit village community gathering space (called machan locally), nodded.
Ram Kripal Yadav, another villager, was quick to add that earlier they were looked down by dominant communities such as Rajputs and Brahmins as cattle herders. “Lalu ji and late Mulayam ji (former Uttar Pradesh chief minister) changed our identity and made us as strong as upper castes, if not less,” he said, with a lot of pride and a broad smile. Hari Ram Singh, a Rajput, agreed, but also blamed Lalu Prasad for rampant corruption and crime. “People don’t want Lalu Prasad’s era to return,” he said, when asked who would be his CM preference.
Yadavs constitute about 15% of the state’s population and have support of Muslims, about 17.70%. At Kundah village on the banks of river Kosi, Mohammed Badru, 36, said they would be voting for RJD again. But the reason, reflecting the caste-plus politics that seems to be in play in these elections is something else. “Tejaswhi has promised one government job to each family.”
More than 150 kms away at Shahpur in Khagaria district, Mohammed Tabrez, a grocery shop owner, said Lalu’s MY combination appears to be intact in most places despite Jan Suraaj of Prashant Kishor and All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) trying to break it by putting Muslim candidates.
Nitish caste matrix
After a shaky start to power in 2005, Nitish Kumar got his political arithmetic right by carving out specific quotas for Extremely Backward Castes (EBC) and extremely poor Scheduled Caste (Maha-Dalits) through sub-categorisation, providing political “voice to the voiceless” and earning rich electoral dividends irrespective of whether he was with NDA or RJD led Grand Alliance. But here too, welfare and development appear to be playing a role in political choices.
Nitish has ensured good roads, stable electricity supply, basic health and education facilities . In far flung Maha Dalit dominated Sadanand village, just 30 km from the Nepal border in Supaul district, the roads have been freshly carpeted and there is an electricity transformer to ensure stable power supply for the hamlet of 400 people. The village with 30% of its children malnourished has a child nutrition centre and a school.
“I only got educated because of this school,” recalled Nitish Kumar, 19, whose father named him after the CM when the village got its road. The first-year student of English Honours at the Madhepura University said that his cobbler community will remain indebted to the CM for mainstreaming them.
Rameshwar Kumar, a resident of Mandla village in Saharsa district, where Kumar’s Janata Dal (U) won four of the five seats in 2020, credited Kumar for providing them voice and visibility. “Before him, we were not even considered humans. Our vote for him is just not for development,” he explained. Vipin Kumar from Hajipur, who belongs to Nitish Kumar’s Kurmi caste (2.37% of the state’s population), said his caste is firmly backing the CM, terming Kumar as his “pride”.
Abhay Nath in Chakra village of Katihar district said he does not have to worry about his family when he goes to work in a factory in Gujarat. “They are safe and police are more responsive than during Lalu ji’s time,” he said. Rohit Sahani, from the boatmen (Mallah) community, whose family migrates from Bhagalpur to Katihar every year for Makana harvesting, said, “Nitish has provided them with a new employment avenue within the state.” Mukesh Sahani, their community leader may be in the GA, he said, but does not have the political weight to get their votes transferred to the opposition alliance.
The fact that both the GA and the NDA are likely to hold on to their traditional vote banks, has meant there is now more focus on the electoral promises being made by both -- and on the third main player in this election. Alok Kumar, who retired as professor of social science from Madhepura University, said both Lalu and Nitish are likely to hold their caste votes in this election. “I don’t see much of a breach. The fight is to get votes for several other castes such as Kushwaha, Koeris and Mallah (fishing community). The upper castes continue to be with the BJP. Both GA and NDA need something more than what they have to win. To me, it would be interesting to see how many votes Prashant Kishor gets and whom he harms.”
